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heard from other inmates, the rapist only received fifteen days' segregation as punishment for the near murder. Extreme violence as an element of rape is even more common with gang assaults-assaults involving more than one perpetrator.

A number of inmates told Human Rights Watch of being badly beaten during such assaults, especially in instances where the victim initially resisted the attack. A Georgia prisoner related, for example: "Two violent inmates with a record of violence threatened to sexually assault me and take my store goods.

I tried to fight back, which resulted in my jaw being broke in 3 places. Other prisoners described assaults involving, in many instances, more than two perpetrators, and sometimes even up to six or eight of them.

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The perpetrators typically take turns holding the victim down on the bed or on the floor, or holding a weapon to him, while the others sexually assault him. Sometimes violence is not used, as it is easy enough for several prisoners to overpower a single victim simply by holding him in place.

Violent language and degrading insults are common, as well as threats to kill the victim if he tells the authorities. Forcible sexual assaults can occur in almost any area where inmates are found, but the most common place for such assaults to take place seems to be inmates' sleeping areas: either group dormitories or cells.

Showers, bathrooms, and other areas offering a degree of privacy are also used. At night the guards locked themselves in a cage and slept while inmates sexually and physically assaulted others. I at times was asked for sexual favors in order to maintain my security.

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I was never forced into sex physically, but mentally I wasn't capable of saying no, as I feared for my life. told a Human Rights Watch representative two years later.

His story is typical of many known to Human Rights Watch-rapes committed not through violence but through the threat of violence. In many instances, moreover, the threat of violence is never even articulated by the perpetrator of sexual abuse, although it is likely to be implicit in his interaction with the victim. Instead of overt threats, manipulation is used. The victim's acute awareness of his own vulnerability is exploited by the perpetrator, who coerces the victim into unwanted yet unforced sexual contact.

A number of prisoners described typical coercion scenarios in detail to Human Rights Watch. The following are a couple of representative descriptions:. These descriptions illustrate the two basic scenarios-both of which involve debt-repeated again and again by inmates. The first is that an inmate acts as a protector to a vulnerable prisoner, scaring off or pretending to scare off other predators.

Sometimes the protector begins by doing this for free, asking nothing in return, but eventually he will ask to be rewarded sexually. If the victim refuses, prisoners have explained, then the protector himself will threaten the victim overtly, but such overt threats are frequently unnecessary.

When the victim is convinced that rape is inevitable, he will often accede under little direct pressure, hoping simply to lessen the physical violence of the act. The second basic scenario is for the perpetrator to provide food, drugs, or other desirable items to a potential victim, allowing the victim to build up a debt.

At some point, the perpetrator insists that the debt be repaid via sexual favors.

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Again, if the victim hesitates, the perpetrator may make it terrifyingly clear to him that refusal is not an option, but this last step is often unnecessary.

Constant sexual harassment-sexualized comments, whistling, groping-is often another part of the process by which the victim is pressured into submitting to unwanted sex.

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Psychologically the victim eventually begins to believe he is a homosexual and no longer resists. Seasoned inmates are usually familiar with tactics such as these, and are more skilled at managing them.

exemplifies, it is new, incoming inmates who are most vulnerable. As one prisoner put it: "Most of prison is a mind game. People get taken advantage of when they're green and don't know what to expect. You will be lebled as a bisexual, or homosexual, pretty boy, gay, little girl, queen. Once there has been penetration or forced oral sex, the jacket is on his back, as being a punk, sissy, queer, etc.

Once subject to sexual abuse, whether violently or through coercion, a prisoner may easily become trapped into a sexually subordinate role.

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Prisoners refer to the initial rape as "turning out" the victim, and the suggestion of transformation is telling. Through the act of rape, the victim is redefined as an object of sexual abuse. He has been proven to be weak, vulnerable, "female," in the eyes of other inmates. Regaining his "manhood"-and the respect of other prisoners-can be nearly impossible. In a cruel twist, the fact of victimization may be viewed as justifying itself, given the common inmate belief that a real man would never submit to rape.

According to one extreme variant of this view, the rapist merely recognizes and acts upon the victim's "latent homosexual tendencies. Even prisoners who do not share this view often believe that, once the rape has taken place, the victim becomes a homosexual.

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Inmates speak of other raped prisoners as being "converted to women" or "made into homosexuals," as if one's sexuality might be irretrievably altered by the fact of rape. Stigmatized as a "punk" or "turn out," the victim of rape will almost inevitably be the target of continuing sexual exploitation, both from the initial perpetrator and, unless the perpetrator "protects" him, from other inmates as well.

As another inmate explained: "Word travels so Fast in prison. The Convict grape vine is Large. You cant run or hide. With other prisoners being moved around the prison system, and inmates communicating via other means as well, transfer to a new prison unit is no guarantee of escaping one's reputation.

It may, however, provide a respite from abuse-and, in some cases, a new start-especially if the new unit is less volatile and violent than the previous one. is a Texas prisoner who was raped soon after entering prison and became a "turn out," sexually exploited by a long series of inmates. Finally, after years of abuse, he "went renegade," as he put it. Transferred to a new prison unit, he saw it as an opportunity to make a break with the past.

Heavier, stronger, and far more street smart than he was when he entered prison, he physically attacked any inmate who approached him sexually. You asked if I thought someone who is raped is necessarily going to be targeted for more abuse. The answer is an emphatic yes. Anyone who's had the pipe laid to them is going to be tried constantly throughout his stay in prison. Blood clears a lot of questions from peoples' heads. But the years before W. made his break are more representative of the options typically open to victims of rape.

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After being raped by his cellmate, he was forced to "be with someone": a protector who kept other inmates away. When that person was transferred to different unit, W. was passed on to another man. I was with one guy for ten months.

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Numerous victims told Human Rights Watch similar stories of becoming the "kid" or the "wife" of their rapist. Some, in even worse predicaments, were forced to sexually service an entire gang for a period of time. Just as with the initial acts of coerced sex described above, this type of continuing sexual abuse is likely to be viewed as consensual by others, including prison staff.

When sexual contact is no longer violent, it may be thought that the inmate is consenting to it.

Yet even if a prisoner initially fights back against his attackers, he will at some point resign himself to his situation and stop fighting it. That's a lie though, because mental force is just as effective if not more. The only escape from abuse, except for the small minority of inmates who succeed in rehabilitating their reputation, is release from prison or transfer to a protective custody or safekeeping unit-areas designed to be havens for vulnerable inmates.

Yet as will be discussed in chapter VII, it can be very difficult to convince prison authorities to authorize such a transfer. Moreover, protective custody units tend to be extremely restrictive, even punitive, in their conditions. Even more worrisome, the very fact of trying to escape to protective custody by reporting sexual abuse puts an inmate at greater risk.

As is explained at greater length below, the general stigma against "snitching"-reporting other inmates' wrongdoing-discourages victims from informing prison officials of their abuse. In cases of prisoner-on-prisoner rape, the perpetrators often reinforce the tacit prohibition on snitching by specifically threatening violent retaliation if the victim says a word to officials about what happened to him. A convicted felon is one whom the law in its humanity punishes by confinement in the penitentiary instead of death.

For the time being, during his term of service in the penitentiary, he is a slave of penal servitude to the State. I became obedient, telling myself at least I was surviving. He publicly humiliated and degraded me, making sure all the inmates and gaurds knew that I was a queen and his property.

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Prisoners unable to escape a situation of sexual abuse may find themselves becoming another inmate's "property. Victims of prison rape, in the most extreme cases, are literally the slaves of the perpetrators. Forced to satisfy another man's sexual appetites whenever he demands, they may also be responsible for washing his clothes, cooking his food, massaging his back, cleaning his cell, and myriad other chores. They are frequently "rented out" for sex, sold, or even auctioned off to other inmates, replicating the financial cts of traditional slavery.

Their most basic choices, like how to dress and whom to talk to, may be controlled by the person who "owns" them.

They may even be renamed as women. Blue Top used J. sexually, while also "renting" his sexual services to other black inmates. Besides being forced to perform "all types of sexual acts," J. had to defer to Blue Top in every other way.

Under Blue Top's dominion, no task was too menial or too degrading for J. to perform. After two and a half months of this abuse, J.

was finally transferred to safekeeping. Another Texas inmate explained the financial dimension that is evident in J. According to him, "when they do turn out a guy they actually own them, every penny they get it goes to there man.

You can buy a kid for 20 or 30 dollars on most wings!! They sell them like cattle. The testimony of another Texas inmate, describing the rules imposed on him by the prisoner who became his "man," suggests the extent to which these victimized inmates are forced to obey their abusers, sexually and otherwise:. I will, he said, let my homeboys have you or Ill just sale you off. Do we have an understanding?

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With fear, misery, and confusion inside me. I said yes. Six Texas inmates, separately and independently, gave Human Rights Watch firsthand accounts of being forced into this type of sexual slavery, having even been "sold" or "rented" out to other inmates.

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Numerous other Texas prisoners confirmed that the practice of sexual slavery, including the buying and selling of inmates, is commonplace in the system's more dangerous prison units. Although Texas, judging from the information received by Human Rights Watch, has the worst record in this respect, we also collected personal testimonies from inmates in Illinois, Michigan, California and Arkansas who have survived situations of sexual slavery.

Prisoners elsewhere frequently spoke of the phenomenon, suggesting that it is not limited to the states mentioned above.

An Indiana prisoner, for example, told Human Rights Watch:.

most time when a young boy is turned out by a gang, the sole purpose of that is first to fuck the boy especially young boys, once they finish with the boy they are sold to another prisoner for profit, it's big business selling boys in prisons and gang members control this business. When slavery and involuntary servitude were officially abolished in the United States by the Thirteenth Amendment to the U.

constitution, an exception was made for "a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted.

More than a hundred years later, prisoners' legal status has improved. Yet, a different, though equally horrifying, form of slavery continues in U. prisons, and the fundamental rights of the victims of these abuses continue to be ignored. Rape in prison is rarely a sexual act, but one of violence, politics, and an acting out of power roles. Of course rape is a crime of hatred. I'm ugly as a mud fence, why would W. want to have sex with me?

Locked in an all male society, lacking other sexual outlets, prisoners might be assumed to commit rape as a means of sexual release. Yet the cruelty and degradation so intimately connected to rape in prison undermines this facile explanation, suggesting that inmates' real motivations for committing rape are more complicated.

Theorists of rape, whose research has mostly focused on women victims, have posited that rape is as much a crime of violence as it is one of sex. The question of whether prisoner-on-prisoner rape is primarily a crime of violence or of sex is not an academic one, since knowledge of rape's causes is obviously of benefit in crafting effective prevention strategies. Were the causes of rape found to be rooted in sexual deprivation per se, then conjugal visits, for example, might be recommended as the primary means of attacking the problem.

But prison experts, academic commentators, and prisoners themselves generally concur that sexual deprivation is not the main source of the phenomenon.

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It unequivocally establishes the aggressor's dominance, affirming his masculinity, strength, and control at the expense of the victim's.

People in prison are deprived of sex, but perhaps even more fundamentally they are deprived of almost all choice in or power over their lives.

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The most basic decisions affecting them-what to eat, when to get up, where and with whom to live-are outside of their control. As Louisiana prisoner and writer Wilbert Rideau has pointed out, "The psychological pain involved in such an existence creates an urgent and terrible need for reinforcement of [the prisoner's] sense of manhood and personal worth.

Numerous prisoners confirmed this portrayal of rape as a means of expressing power in a situation of powerlessness.

Explained a Virginia inmate: "In my view the perpetrator of rape is an angry man. He lacks power and decides to steal it from others through assault.

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He explained that he had noticed that "the more oppressive the system the higher the incidents of assaultive behavior in general. Fair and objective treatment seems to create a less-assaultive environment. A Nebraska inmate put the matter succinctly: "Power, control, revenge, seem to top the 'reasons' for rape.

Most cons are emotionally alienated from themselves. The peer pressure not to be seen as "weak" pertaining to any gentler emotion, is astronomically intense. In prison, to gain a simple hug which is emotionally soothing without being threatening, the dominator can only accept from the dominated. One of the most basic ways to resume an illusion of empowerment of self is to establish power over another at ground zero: life and sexual gratification. In prison, as elsewhere, money is a form of power.

The financial incentives for rape are another aggravating factor, particularly in prison systems in which prisoners have no means of making money except by extorting it from other prisoners or by pimping them out.

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The obvious disdain prisoners share regarding "punks" and "turnouts"-inmates subject to sexual abuse-further strengthens the view of rape as a crime of violence and power, not of sexual passion.

Indeed, "punk" is a frequently used insult in prison, denoting everything that prisoners do not want to be. A Utah inmate told Human Rights Watch: "The word 'punk' in this facility is used loosely, and is a term used to down-size someone, as well as to identify an actual 'punk' meaning a kid or guy who is used and exploited sexually because he is too timid or weak to make a stand.

Still, to think that there is a strict dichotomy between rape as a sexual act and rape as a violent assertion of power may be somewhat misguided.

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Rapists are, in the most obvious ways, sexually stimulated by what they are doing. Daniel Lockwood, an expert on prison rape, has posited that sexual aggression in prison can be traced to men's sexist attitudes toward women, which, in prison, translate into a bias against men placed in female roles.

Although misogyny would appear to be an unlikely cause of male-on-male rape, it may be an ingredient in the volatile mix that results in sexual abuse in prison. Letter to Human Rights Watch from V. Letter to Human Rights Watch from B. Gilligan, Violencep.

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See the international definitions of rape discussed in chapter III, above. Although there is a critical difference between consensual and nonconsensual sex in terms of whether an inmate's rights have been violated, it is worth noting that all forms of sex, even consensual sex, are uniformly forbidden under prison disciplinary codes. International protections of prisoner's rights demonstrate an implicit recognition of this problem by barring medical or scientific experimentation even on prisoners who purport to consent to it.

See article 11 2 of Protocol I to the Geneva Conventionsprohibiting experimention on prisoners of war. Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 Augustand Relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts Protocol IU. The U. Human Rights Committee, the body charged with monitoring implementation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ICCPRhas a similar reading of the ICCPR's protections. It has explained:. Article 7 [of the ICCPR] expressly prohibits medical or scientific experimentation without the free consent of the person concerned.

The Committee also observes that special protection in regard to such experiments is necessary in the case of persons not capable of giving valid consent, and in particular those under any form of detention or imprisonment. Human Rights Committee, General Comment 20, Article 7 Forty-fourth session,U. Human Rights Watch, All Too Familiarp.

Letter to Human Rights Watch from J. A landmark study of prisoner-on-prisoner sexual abuse in Philadephia specifically mentions this problem, along with describing the difficulty, in the prison context, of distinguishing rape from consensual sex:.

Thus, a threat of rape, expressed or implied, would prompt an already fearful young man to submit. Prison officials are too quick to label such activities "consensual. Davis, "Sexual Assaults in the Philadelphia Prison System," p. Allan Turner, "Mother probes son's death in prison," Houston ChronicleJune 4, Human Rights Watch interview, Texas, March Letter to Human Rights Watch, October 13, Human Rights Watch interview, Texas, October Letter to Human Rights Watch from R. Letter to Human Rights Watch from W.

Human Rights Watch interview, October Letter to Human Rights Watch from M. Letter to Human Rights Watch from G. Letter to Human Rights Watch from P. Letter to Human Rights Watch from C. The prisoner attributed this belief to African American inmates in particular, but Human Rights Watch has found it to be fairly widespread among prisoners generally.

In doing so they echo the views of prison experts from earlier times. One such commentator, writing inwarned:. Every year large numbers of boys, adolescent youths, and young men are made homosexuals, either temporarily or permanently, in the prisons of America.

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These newly born perverts, in turn, corrupt others. Joseph Fishman, Sex in Prison New York: National Library Press,p. More info. The clip reveals cramped and squalid rooms, believed to have been used by the depraved death cult to punish women who defied their orders. Rebel fighters said they found tools, sexual stimulants, contraceptives and drugs inside the sex-prison.

Group leader Omar Mazerli said: "We found various kinds of pills, including sexual stimulation, contraceptives and narcotic pills which were used by the Islamic State group for torture.

This place was very hard to find and it is well hidden, but we got here with God's will and the efforts of the Military Council. God, I have wronged myself, and no one forgives sins but you. Forgive me, you are forgiving and merciful. The eerie video shows stained pillows, dog bowls filled with discoloured liquids and writings on the wall.

The writing, which is in Arabic, read: "God, I have wronged myself, and no one forgives sins but you. Aid workers help migrants up the shore after making the crossing from Turkey to the Greek island of Lesbos on November 16, in Sikaminias, Greece. The discovery comes weeks after the initial liberation of Manbij, which freed thousand of civilians that had been forced to live under Daesh's rule.

In a show of defiance, liberated citizens took to the street with men cutting their beards and women setting fire to their niqabs. US officials say that with Manbij under their control, it could pave the way for a Western take-over of the Islamic State's self-styled capital of Raqqa.



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